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James M. McphersonA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
Chapter Summaries & Analyses
In January 1867, after the closure of the Civil War in 1865, Congressman George W. Julian spoke against a bill that would remove military rule in the South and allow the return of civil government. This belief ran against currents in US political philosophy, which consistently worked toward the decentralization of power, creating for example the three branches of government as a precaution to preserve individual liberties. The maintenance of military rule in the South was a departure from this political tradition.
This shows how the Civil War and its following reconstruction “transformed the relationship between liberty and power” (133) in the United States. This rebalancing of the ideas of liberty and power extended to more than the use of the military. Before the war, the institution of slavery was in no way counter to the concept of American liberty, which focused on the right to property and government. But by the end of the war, slavery was the foremost offence to liberty in the nation. More so than any other one person, Lincoln was responsible for this ideological shift.
Lincoln, the first Republican president, understood the hypocrisy of a nation of liberty founded on slavery, and he was vocal about this belief. Therefore, when Lincoln took the presidency, Southerners left the Union to protect their liberty to own slaves. Lincoln characterized secession as anarchy and licentiousness: “license was the abuse of liberty, the aggressive exercise of liberty without restraints imposed by regard for the rights and liberties of others” (135). Such licentiousness, if allowed to control the state, would bring about dissolution. Therefore, as Lincoln saw it, the government was forced to take military action against its own people: “unprecedented power had become necessary to defend liberty against unprecedented evil” (135).
Lincoln’s decision to use the military to attack rebel citizens had a massive effect on later developments in US politics. As the South’s expression of liberty to slave property through secession became treason, the expression of the Union’s military dominance over this region became the protection of liberty. This shaped later changes to the Constitution, which now focused less on people’s freedoms and more on the expansion of government oversight.
The new liberties enshrined in the Constitution met well with African American campaigns for suffrage, which was seen as the cornerstone of legitimate political liberty. While the right to vote was traditionally a decision not of the federal government but individual states, the federal government invoked the archaic “guarantee clause” of the Constitution—that every state is guaranteed a Republican form of government—to assert its ability to grant freed slaves the vote. Based on this initial presumption, several acts and constitutional amendments passed between 1866 and 1870 fortified and eventually guaranteed black Americans the right to vote. The passage of the 14th and 15th Amendments radically redefined the US Constitution, as they transferred the power to enforce citizenship rights from state to national government.
A century after the US Civil War, histories of sharecropping, poverty, and murder for Southern African Americans suggest the expansions of civil liberties in the 13th to 15th Amendments did little for the population. While changing certain rights and granting suffrage, the counter-revolution of the 1870s revived many state rights in the definition of civil liberties, greatly impacting the lives of freed slaves. Over time, states regained the power to exclude blacks from voting, and in 1877 President Rutherford B. Hayes withdrew federal troops from the South and returned it to the control of white Southern Democrats. As power shifted within the federal government toward Democrats, and fighting between white leagues and state forces occurred, the 1870s marked a new descent of the United States into decentralized federalism.
In earlier chapters the dual conceptions of liberty that ran through the Civil War were characterized as negative and positive liberty, a set of terms created by Isaiah Berlin. Here, these terms are again invoked, but now combined more deeply with expressions of the concepts in Lincoln’s own terms. Lincoln characterized the liberty to own slaves as an anarchist “licentiousness” (135) that by its nature conflicted with the liberty of all men to live as equals. Lincoln supported the latter form of liberty, championing as such a positive liberty.
It was through Lincoln’s conception of liberty that the federal and state-based governments came into a new balance of legislative power. Lincoln saw it as a necessity for the government to take military action, impose martial law, and limit personal and property liberties, to protect the sanctity of the government and the general liberty of all people. This was a “new birth of freedom” (91) in the United States, both a new freedom for former slaves and a new conception of freedom in the country. Liberty was no longer a freedom from government power but a freedom to express full liberties within it. The temporary limitation of liberties that was required during the war should remind the reader how difficult the concept of liberty is to manage politically.
This chapter establishes some of the most important lasting resolutions of Lincoln’s presidency. First among them is the maintenance of the American republic, or the victory over the secessionist Southern states and their compulsion to rejoin the Union. Equal in significance is Lincoln’s victory over slavery in the form of the Emancipation Proclamation. Following this proclamation is the Republican victory in securing the right to vote for black Americans in the 15th Amendment, a direct result of Lincoln’s work to gather legislative power to the federal government and free slaves in the first place.
Much of the history covered in this chapter is familiar. For example, the reader already knows about the passage of the 13th and 14th amendments and their effects on the civil liberties of freed slaves. Furthermore, the skepticism of the overall effects of such expansions of civil liberties against the clear oppression of African Americans long after emancipation was already covered in Chapter 1. Returning to the argument that these criticisms of Lincoln’s work would better be aimed at the counter-revolutionary efforts of Southern politicians in the decade immediately following Lincoln’s presidency, McPherson again returns to the arguments that close his first chapter. Coming full circle in his text, McPherson allows the reader to see the incredible effects Lincoln had on the shape of US history a century-and-a-half after his presidency.
By James M. Mcpherson
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